The Syrian "uprising" was well into its second
year when Prince Bandar bin Sultan, aka Bandar Bush, was promoted to the top
post in the Saudi intelligence apparatus.
Days later unconfirmed reports briefly circulated claiming
that Bandar bin Sultan had been assassinated. Though that story was roundly
denied by various Saudi spokesmen, the fact remains that we haven't seen him
since.
Not that there haven't been plenty of claims that he is
alive and well. The Saudi house organ Al Arabiya speaks as though he is very
much alive and masterminding the "game-changing" strategy that will
have us rid of Assad "in months." (Al Arabiya, 13 April 2013) Israeli
website Debkafile routinely asserts that Bandar is still in charge.
Perhaps what the case of Bandar Bush underlines is the fact
that spokespersons on all sides have been busy as can be shovelling
disinformation into the public realm to bolster their particular points of view.
The Saudis have considerable prestige invested in the success of the anti-Assad
struggle. Likewise, Turkey and Qatar.
The Americans have maintained the position that they are a
hands-off bystander, although no serious person imagines that the Turkey-Saud-Qatar triumvirate
embarked on their Syrian adventure without the blessing of the White House. In
terms of the public perception of Obama's domestic audience, the Americans
maintain deniability.
Nowhere is tension between public pronouncements and the
national interest as extreme as in Israel. At the time of the recent Israeli
attacks on Syria, we were told that the actions were intended to prevent the
shipment of "advanced Syrian weapons" to Hezbollah in Lebanon. That's
a good story, but one suspects that for the moment Assad has greater need for
those missiles himself.
It is more than plausible that the intent of the Israeli
action was to keep those weapons out of the hands of some faction or another of
the Free Syrian Army. There have emerged two distinct "Syrian Free
Armies" since the Syrian uprising began. On the one hand, you have the
US-friendly officially-endorsed "good guys."
These are the FSA types who are seen regularly on TV
screens in the West. They talk a good revolution but command little or nothing
on the ground in Syria.
On the other hand are the Al Nusra Front and their assorted
fellow travellers, a collection of Wahabi radicals who do virtually all of the
fighting. When Washington politicians voice their fears of having weapons fall
into the "wrong hands," these are the people whose hands they are
talking about. While they are more than happy to fight Assad today, they will
be even happier to take their battle to the Israelis or the Americans tomorrow.
This is obviously of great concern in Tel Aviv. Since
Israel's last foray into Lebanon in 2006 there's been no enthusiasm for the
next round. Plenty of talk, yes, but a keen interest in ensuring that talk is
all it is.
When IDF intel boss Aviv Kochavi claimed in February last year
that 200,000 missiles were pointed at Israel, he was inadvertently making
an acknowledgement that perhaps needn't have been made. While his statement was
at least in part intended to pressure the Americans to fund more Iron Dome
units, those additional Iron Domes are going to expand the envelope of immunity
by mere minutes in the event of an all out war. Telling the Israeli people that
they now have protection from the first two hundred incoming instead of the
first one hundred isn't all that reassuring after you've told them 200,000 are
on the way.
Which is why in spite of all the warlike rhetoric, Israel
has no interest in a war with Hezbollah or anyone else, including Syria or any
elements of the so-called Syrian opposition.
That leaves both Israel and Hezbollah with a common interest
in ensuring that Assad remains. And while it would be impossible for any
American politician to say so, this is also were America's best interests lie,
at least for the foreseeable future. Owing to their usual toxic combination
of hubris and over-reach, the Americans had convinced themselves that their
Syrian proxy opposition would make short work of the Assad regime.
The past two-plus years have disabused them of that
delusion.
That leaves the Americans in the position of having to make
a climb-down without it appearing as such. While there are plenty of voices on
the American political scene encouraging a more robust US involvement in Syria
(see for example John McCain's visit to Syria today) there are many more
cautioning against it.
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